POLITICAL PARTIES COALITION

[00:00:00] Speaker A: It the best insight, instant feedback, accountability. The all new talk radio Freedom 106.5. [00:00:08] Speaker B: Good morning to you, Mr. Griffin and welcome to our program. [00:00:12] Speaker A: Hi, good morning. [00:00:13] Speaker B: Yes, we get new audio noise. Nice to have you with us here this morning. There's a lot to discuss. Obviously, there's a lot taking place this morning. Our discussion in the first hour surround property tax and some of the frustrations that people are facing and all those things and that ties into the next general elections and to the outcome and what people could possibly look forward to or not look forward to. There's a lot that has been in the news about the NTA, the UNC and other parties and joining together and all these kinds of things. Having you here this morning is intended at getting some clarity and direction as to exactly what's going on. You're hearing all kinds of things, but we thought it important we speak to you so that we could hear from you yourself what really going on with these parties and all the bickering we hear and whether they're fighting and they're just on the front of it. And so let's hear. So are things bad? Are things good? Are things being patched up? What can people look forward to? [00:01:16] Speaker A: Yes, certainly. So good morning to you and to your many viewers. Well, you really summed it up there. One thing with Tobago, we have a passion. You could take something and just blow it totally out of proportion. It was only one media house that came up with this massive front page, no unity, at no time that was ever stated by any political party, that being the UNC or the NTA, that's one. Neither political leader ever said that. What it is that we said is that we formed a strategic accommodation and an alliance in the local government election. It proved to be very successful. It ensured that combined we were able to get 60,000 more votes than the PNM in a 30% voter turnout. So if you look at a 60% voter turnout and you see just double by both, you're speaking of 120,000 difference in a general election, which is the exact number that PNM were defeated by in 2010. So it is almost on part right now after the local government election first to get a repeat of what happened in 2010. Why would anyone want to change something that works? Unless of course you're working for the other side or you have such ambitions that you feel that your ambition is greater than that of the greater good of the rest of the nation, that 350,000 who will vote against the PNM this year or next year. So there's absolutely no reason that anyone will want to change something that is working. Having said that, we must understand and appreciate that in 2010 to 2015, mistakes were made. So what we are seeing now is just basically the t ten issues in advance to rectify the problem, to make sure that when we get in government, there's not going to be that type of issue of concern and collapse and difference in opinions. So that is what is just happening right now. The political leader of the UNC, she has her work to do. She has to make sure she solidifies her beast. So she would have probably made comments to ensure that. But I also have to receive for mine, because remember, that third constituency, those individuals, they are not those that political leader will give a directive, and because it's a base, they will just follow and listen. In general, that base support is very powerful on both sides of the UNC and the PNM. They must be respected. But the third constituency to lead is a very difficult constituency. It is not that I will say, let's go left, and they will say, and the vast majority will say, yes, they will want to know why. And I have to now give good justification to first ensure that there will not be a repeat of 2010 to 2015, to ensure that we'll be treated as equal partners, and to ensure that there would be good governance. So that is all it is. There's nothing more, nothing less. There has been no decision made to say that we have formed a coalition and we are going down, but there's nothing that has been made to say that we are going to make any changes, difference to what took place in the local government. [00:04:13] Speaker B: It is a really interesting discussion and an interesting development. I don't want to use the term coalition, but these coming together for whatever purpose, be it local government, general election, whatever else, the discussions that surround them are always so vibrant. You said something that works and you went back to the local government election suggesting that the agreement between the UNC and the NTA worked. And you're saying, why interfere with something that works? But how is it going to work for the general election? Because general elections and local government elections are two vastly different things. The number of people that come out for general elections as opposed to local, it's chalk and cheese. It's a lot more people come out for general elections. But the citizenry, the persons that sit on both sides, the NTA side and the UNC side, might be curious as to, well, so what's going to happen for general elections? Is it going to be the same way that we did it for local government, where the NTA contests some, the UNC contests some, and then when the dust is over and settled, we see who have what, and we figure it out there going forward. [00:05:23] Speaker A: All right, that is just it. I think the reason for the lack of a proper foundation in 2010 to 2015 under the People's Partnership was because of just that, how it hung its swing. Let five political leaders sign something in Freeport, and then we will decide after the fact. And that therein lies the problem. My concept of the way that I have been trained, whether it's been in the military, in business and politics, you need to have a proper foundation. Let's not just. And that even happens in government. That's what governments do. They put all their focus on trying to win an election. Then when they win, let me see, Colin, you become minister of finance and get five people and put up a finance plan for the country. That is why governments fail, because there's no strategic development to prepare you for government. There's no foundation. We put something called glossy promissory note, call a manifesto. So those are the things that we intend to change, making sure there's a proper foundation with a proper transformation roadmap towards good governance. So we have a five year plan for every arm, whether it is national security, health, education, the economy, sport, culture, youth development, and then the same thing for making sure that we have a stable, secure, transparent government. So that is what is going to happen. But the concept, it shouldn't really change because the facts, whether people like it or not, I know certain people do not like to hear it. But because of how the PNM is structured and because of how our constitution is, the UNC may very well get more votes than the PNM. But they cannot win a general election on their own because of how the constituencies are laid out. The goalpost continues to be shifted every time, conveniently for the PNM, especially in marginal seats. So it gets harder for the UNC. So the UNC may actually have more votes, but they cannot win an election on their own. The UNC has never been able to win an election on their own in a three horse race. They've only won an election on their own on one occasion, and that lasted a few months. So this is not in any way for the NT or any political party to feel that we are so strong and powerful. You need us and you must come to us. No, I am not going to show that disrespect to a political party that just got 300,000 votes in the last general election has 19 seats and has a strong degree of history politically. And in the same manner, I would like the UNC to recognize that we are not this small to be recognized as the smaller party. Who brings you here? What are you bringing to the table? We bring that concept of that third constituency of voters that are critically required to ensure that we win. It started in 1981 with the ONR with 91,000 votes. They didn't get a seat. It then went to 1991 with the NAR, where Kamala passage was part of. So she understands the constituency thought process. 127,000 votes without a seat. 16 years later, moved to the Congress of the people with 147,000 votes without a seat. But when it is that it shifted from 1981 to 86, the ONR joins with the UNC. Ulf annihilation for the PNM. The Basio pandey was able to embrace that third constituency in 2000. Annihilation for the PNM. Kamala Prasad embracing the Congress of the people, which was not done by Basio panda in 2007. So once it is, you put that mindset of embracing, welcoming and showing to that third constituency, we are not using you. We are not just trying to get your voice for us to get in government, but we welcome you and embrace you. That is going to ensure a secure government, a transparent government, a government with good foundation, and a government that will last this time around. [00:08:56] Speaker B: You see, I think that's where, if I'm to use the word, concern lies in not just winning the election, but what happens after. Because this third constituency that you speak of, it's generally a constituency that does not necessarily want to work with the UNC. They don't necessarily mean. It's well documented. You can't get away from that. The reason why the Congress of the people, much of what they did came about because they weren't satisfied with what the UNC was doing and with the players in the UNC and the personalities and everything else. So now to come and say, well, this third constituency will work hand in hand with the UNC. I can't fault people if they kind of say, well, I already see that. [00:09:47] Speaker A: Happening, but let me try to. There's a difference. You see, the difference lies is this time around, the person who is representing or the leadership of that third constituency has more UNC pedigree and track record than every single person who presently is in the UNC member of parliament, other than probably Kamala Pazadi says and Rudy Munil, because people may not be aware. Since 2005, I was a UNC acted senator. In 2006, I went up in the UNC executive on the Ducran slate against the Panda slate. That was a slate like the West Indies cricket team in the 80s. That slate had Basdio pandi Kamala posadi, Cesar. Jack Warner went back there with Mark. It was a powerful slate. And out of those 15 seats, only three persons in the Ducran slate. The UNC base said, look, we're sticking with Pandey Ducran. Know your place. But we like Gary, we like a guy called Sadi Bash and Manohar Ramsaran, and that I was a young little upstart. But the UNC rank and file, the base respected me, believed in me, and voted for me over the Basio Pandi Kamala Prasad recessor slate. So since 2006, I have been seen as more UNC than probably many persons who presently are in the UNC, and nothing against those individuals. It's just that as a younger person, I was embraced and welcomed by the UNC. So I fully understand the UNC better than most in the UNC who hold executive positions. And because of that, it gives me the understanding as to how to operate. And that may have been the problem in 2010 to 2015 and maybe also in 1986, where those individuals in the third constituency hierarchy need to understand and appreciate and recognize the value of the UNC. Don't come and feel that because you need our 140,000 votes, we are going to look down on you. And sometimes you would have seen that impression where the cop felt that look, and there was that. You're picking up that tension. The cop figured, listen, we have ethics and we have principles that you don't. You can't do that. You can't disrespect a political party with that amount of history. The UNC and the PNN would have made mistakes, but they have done a lot towards the development of the country, whether you like it or not. So the difference is that this time around, having worked with the present political leader of the UNC for about 15 plus years, we know each other well, we argue constantly, we communicate constantly. And that was the difference, I don't think. And this is not to knock Winston Ducan or Prakash Ramadan, but that type of synergy, understanding of the UNC and the political leader of the UNC at this time is what I have. And because of that, you're going to have. I was her right hand as a security advisor for three years in government. I then became a security minister. So nobody knows Kamala Prasad recessor in government better than myself, probably so, because of that, I give the assurance that we are able to be understanding. I am not going to cave in and to allow mistakes to me, and that is a good thing. Because of my strength and independence, I will be there at her side working with you to prevent the shortcomings, the hiccups that may have taken place in 2010 to 2015. And that is what the third constituency wants. They don't want to demand that we must have equal. You must make sure that and understand how powerful we are. No, we are not here to disrespect the UNC. I am here. But it is the most difficult job right now to be political leader of a third constituency. I have to represent and make sure that third constituency understands that I'm not caving in and bowing, but I must understand and let them know we must give full respect to the UNC. But it is going to work because of the understanding and relationship that these two political leaders had for the last 15 years. [00:13:32] Speaker B: Well, you can't hold it against persons if they're skeptical, especially since some of the headlines we saw recently, I mean, the kiss and makeup may have happened, and now the narrative is different. But when you have Kamala Posad Bisessa come out and say, well, here, no, I can't disrespect you, and then Gary Griffith come out and say, well, we know what was said, it was published and so on. You can't help if people say, I wonder if I should trust this thing again, because all of the attempts at coalition, they fall apart for the very same thing. Some disagreement and a mechanism to deal with differences was not formulated. I remember when the discussions were taking place for the formulation of the people's partnership. Jack Warner was instrumental in those discussions. He would have those discussions at Emerald Plaza and the team would meet there. I would know because I was in CNC three at the time. And we'd go up there, we'll camp out and wait for Jack to come out. And Jack would come out and he'd make these one liner statements and go back inside. And one of those that he said is that everybody want all kind of thing, but nobody bringing anything to the table. I remember him clearly making that, and that was a sign of frustration with the discussion on how they were going. So how is it going to work this time around in 2025? Is it that they're going to share up the seats? The UNC has 1818 or 19 seats at this point, so 1922. They just need four seats in order to get themselves, if we to look at it, that way, two seats and they can get themselves in government. But how is the NDA going to help or work or how is it so that the NDA will contest some and the UNC contest some and the same way? [00:15:19] Speaker A: Yes, I think winning is the easy part. Winning is the easy part. This is a done deal. The PNM does not have a scoreball chance in hell. Okay. I am not going to give a repeat of what happened in 1980, 119, 91 and 2007. [00:15:35] Speaker B: Right. [00:15:35] Speaker A: It is a fact that if a third party goes down the road, you're going to split the votes and it's going to cause the PNM to win by a wider margin. If the NTA goes down the center and we said, look, we sign on principle and all, the UNC is this, that and the other. The PNM is probably going to win sour. They will win Chagonas west and they will win Maruga and it will go back to 20 516, almost identical to 2007. No, that is not happening. We are going to ensure that there's a strategic alliance and with that it is going to ensure that we can win. We will win the other seats. The St. Joseph, the Tuna Punas, the San Fernando west, the Polylopio bonier, the Lahoquita Talparo, the Sangrandi. And it happens. This is what usually happens all the time. Anytime that that third party joins with the UNC. Let me show serious this is satisfying people. Even if you figure that the third constituency is so irrelevant. The UNC, the one time that there was a third party that was so insignificant, they had a political party formed just because they were upset that Basio Pandey was embracing that third constituency. So they formed this third party and they had a candidate in Tunapura. This man got, I think, 180 votes. 180. That's all. So he lost his deposit. But because of that 180, it caused the PNM to win that seat. You know what was the end result? It caused Patrick money to become prime minister. 180 votes. That is how critical that third constituency is. So now, this is not in any way to mean that the UNC must just automatically accept any third party. As Kamala Passad Vicessa rightly said, parties must be assessed. We must understand and see what relevance they bring to the table. The NTA, we did it. We proved our word. The reason I went and I told her, give me the 31 safest PNM seats. Well, she thought I went crazy. I said, no, I want the 31 safest PNM seats. We even agreed that UNC must get the two easiest seats that could be won in divorce. MarTin and the reason I did that was to show that the NCA, we intend to prove ourselves. We don't want any safe seats. We don't want any favor from the UNC. And in addition to that, we went and walked the length and breadth of all of the areas that the UNC needed the NTA's vote in support in San Fernando and Sangrandi. That is what caused San Fernando to move from six three to five four, with them holding on for dear life by 24 votes for the fifth seat. That is what caused Sangrandi to shoot up. So this is not that people just love the UNC more. That third constituency joins with the UNC candidate and vice versa. It speaks defeat for the PNM. So it is as simple as that. What I intend to do is to make sure that we have a proper system, and it's not a case of just signing up something we win. And automatically it can be seen that the third party now tries to bully themselves with the UNC, which is unacceptable. But in the same manner that the UNC must have some degree of respect for that third constituency, not because we are smaller, it means that we must be disrespected. I go back to the simple case of the man can't come in your house, get drunk, beat your wife, and then after say, next day, will I forgive you? And let's just go outside and smile. The country is going to see it. The country must. And you would have seen it in the local government election when we had these joint meetings. You were actually seeing that blue and yellow. It was like a cold caribbean, real blue and yellow. You were seeing the unification, the camaraderie. It was not cosmetic, because the two political leaders are genuine with what we say. Kamala Prasad Miseso's comments would have been, I think, ideally to embrace her base, solidified, to let them know that we are not going to be used as an avenue for people on the outside just to come here and just get safe seats and feel that they could control. But likewise, I now have to run and defend detailed constituents and say, okay, fine, but we are not somebody that just turned up there. Overnight. We proved our woods, these 31 safest PNM seats, that PNM would have won by 1000 to 3000 votes. Almost every one of that 31, we cut it down to a couple hundred. We cut deep into the heart of the PNM heartland. I'm talking about like Lupino la Flores and PNM winning by 1220. Under the UNC, with the NTN UNC support, it went to 180. All of the Digo Martin sees that they would have won by almost over 1000. They won by a couple hundred. We chucked hard into. And if it is, and that is my military strategy, you go straight into the belly of the beast. I wanted to go straight into that PNM heartland to show that this is not PNM country. So what I did, I walked the length and breadth from caranage straight to Arima Laventill, sea lots, Beatam, the Hilton, Calgary, in Arima, in Lopino of the hilts, in Lupino, into Paramin, into Scorpion, all of the area, the length and breadth of Trinidad. And everywhere I went, they all said they have never seen the political leader of the PNM walk any of those end. So the NTA may have a greater degree of support in the corridor, and the UNC obviously has a powerful control of that central and southern area. The corridor is critical to win the marginal seats. So with that type of synergy, that type of respect, that type of communication, and making sure there's a proper template towards good governance, not just you take these seats, I take these seats, and when we win, we just move forward. That is what caused the problem. So I'm giving the assurance to that third constituency and to those UNC supporters, to the 350,000 of you all. We are going to get it right, don't worry. There are teaching problems, but I am making sure that that is being done now to ensure that we will not have a repeat of 2010 to 2015. [00:21:08] Speaker B: Are you going to be contesting any of the seats for the election? Have you decided that yet? [00:21:14] Speaker A: Yeah. Well, you can't play mass on freight powder. You can't be a political leader and not be involved in any politics. You're going to see this political leader. Most political leaders, they go for the safe seat in the area that has the greatest base of their support. So you're not going to see a PNM political leader work for Karen east. You're not going to see a UNC political leader go up for Laventill west, which is fine with that. Me, I intend to lead from the front, and it's not knocking any of the political leaders of the two parties. But I intend to go up for a seed that is going to be very critical to decide the outcome of government. You could take it from there. [00:21:55] Speaker B: I think it was in 2010 when, correct me if I'm wrong, but Nicole diagrapher did contest there was a Dago Martin central she did amazingly well. I think it was close to 5000 votes or something that she got. I might be wrong, but I remember she got a significant amount. [00:22:14] Speaker A: Let me clarify, and this is a perfect example. Let me just say quickly. And this shows the difference between the UNC working solely or the cop or the ONR working on their own. In 2002, the UNC went on their own for the three Digo Martin seats. They lost by about 7000 votes. In 2007, the Congress of the People popped up. When the Congress of the People popped up, Ken Valley was Ken Valley, he got 7500. Nicole Diagraphy got 5500. And in 2010, when they had the unification, we had Rocky Garcia, Nicole Diographit and Gavin Nicholas. And the three of them lost by just between five and 700 od votes. You're talking about 8000 to 7600. The last time we were so close to winning those Diglemartin seats would have been 1986 under the NAR. So it shows that when you have that area in Diglemartin, that western peninsula, it's very strong third constituency, they will be PNM. But if it is that they get a third party, they're going that way. And I've always told Kamala Prasad recessor that I always see Digo Martin as the main artery. It may not be seats that we are sure to win, but if you put weak persons when Nicole diagraphed and others were there, it meant that the artery was so strong in that western peninsula, it filtered straight down the corridor to ensure we won. Sangua, Barataria, St. Joseph, Tunapuna, Lupino, Borneo, Lahoqueta, Talparo, Areima. We won the corridor because of a strong Digo Martin. If you ignore Digo Martin, I say I don't think we could win. Let's just put somebody there. No. So my job is to make sure that we have a strong digo Martin in this alliance and it filters down, straight into the corridor. [00:23:59] Speaker B: Well, I know we need to head to some calls because the phone's ringing off the hook, but there are some issues that need to feature prominently in the general election campaign of 2025. Among those, obviously crime, crime is going to feature prominently and that whole discussion will play out. But this one with the property tax needs to feature prominently as well because so many people are concerned. What can the population expect should this NTA UNC win the election? Have you had those discussions yet? Or are those discussions that are going to have to take place because people are traumatized? This morning we had a discussion with Sergeant Rambachan. He got evaluation that saw his property tax at 30 something thousand dollars. [00:24:47] Speaker A: Many people, I have been bombarded with hundreds of persons telling me the same thing again. That is why it is important that we must have communication with if we intend to form any strategic alliance, it is going to be very difficult that the NT will be making statements based on our executive coming to a consensus on a topic and the UNC in something else. And then people say, but you see in A and B, which is my point, that we need to get our act together to ensure that there's some direction. Because when we come to major policies, I can't say that I am going to bring back the special anti crime unit. And then Kamala Pussad bisesses say, we will never bring back the special anti people are going to start seeing what one does, know, what the other is doing. At this time, we are two independent political parties having our political meetings and we may have difference in principles of certain things. And so unless we come together, that is why we have to be very careful in the comments that we make on this time on major matters. [00:25:41] Speaker B: Okay. [00:25:42] Speaker A: As it pertains to property tax, if it is that this thing comes out, there's so many concerns and you're hearing you will talk that an election in August because they intend to bring out that property tax in September. My concept on this whole thing, because as I said, I don't want to go too hard into it, but the one thing this government is good at is the only way they could try to balance a budget is to tax themselves out to ensure that they can have income mesh with expenditure. That is all they do. When you look at the people's Partnership, how many times you saw taxes being raised in anything? But that is the only avenue that the PNM has in trying to find a way to balance a budget, finding an avenue to tax the country in every single thing possible. And that shows ignorance. It shows exactly what I spoke about with our manifesto. He probably wins because he was just fighting to win in 2015. Then he has to look around the table. Who's my best minister of finance? No, I am stating that Kamala Prasad, recessor, myself and whoever else is in the alliance, we must be able to know in advance if this person is the minister of finance, let him know a few months in advance to make sure you have a proper strategic roadmap. And don't just try to tax the country. Find avenues, as I said, 60 billion audio spend, but at least 20 billion is based on incompetence and corruption. You minimize that you can now utilize those same funds to help put in so many things that the country needs without having to tax the small man. And that is what I intend to do. Find avenues to reduce wastage incompetence and corruption and utilize those same funds. And I'll give you a simple example. My budget as commissioner of police was more than almost every minister in the PNM government. So I know how to balance a budget. And I looked, and when inboard cut my budget by 300 million, and I had a situation of COVID I still had to find avenues to put out police officers, vehicles, patrols. And I looked at simple things like overtime, where we had 200 officers claiming they were working 24 hours a day, 30 days a month. I cut overtime by almost $200 million per annum. I was able to cut fuel corruption with one vehicle claiming that they were pulling up four times a day. So when you save that 500, 600 million, I was able to then utilize those funds to bring out 400 vehicles, rapid response, reunite, emergency response, patrol, operational command center, special operation response team, gps tracking cases, pepper spray, body cameras. So the same way I was able to transform the police service to have them efficient by reducing corruption, incompetence, and utilizing the funds in the right manner. That is what we intend to do as the next government, not trying to tax your way to balance a budget. [00:28:23] Speaker B: Yeah. There's just one more thing I'd like to ask to get your opinion on before we take a couple of calls quickly, because I know we're almost out of time. All hands on deck sounds good. But there are public disagreements with persons who are saying, well, we want to help or we want to be a part, or we can make a contribution. And I'm talking about the People's Empowerment Party. There's a story on page eleven of the Guardian newspaper today that's headlined, Philip says, deal with Kamala still being worked on. Now, you and Philip, I don't know what going on with two of you all. They seem to have a very public disagreement on fundamental things. But if it's a situation of all hands on deck and the strongest possible force against the PNM in the election, is there room for persons like the pep in any sort of arrangement with the UNC and yourself? [00:29:15] Speaker A: All right, well, first thing is, I continue to hear the media say that we have an issue. I don't speak about Philip Alexander. That's the first thing. Philip Alexander, if you go back on his page, I support Philip Alexander. He does everything that he saw. I support Gary Griffith. He put, I support Philip Alexander. If I walk, if I speak, if I breathe, he tries to imitate me. Out of his last 50 releases, 47 was about Gary Griffith. So this is, either this man has a serious Tabanka obsession, jealousy over me, or he's being directed. I don't know if he has a poster of me on his ceiling in his bedroom. 47 of 50 releases about Gary Griffith. You have to realize he has something with him. So this has nothing to do with Gary Griffith. You can be the political leader of a party that's not in governmental opposition. And during local government elections, all you speak about every day is about another political leader who is not in governmental opposition. So I asked that you need to understand exactly what is going on here. This is the Philip Alexander, this is us in this country. Do you listen to that? Satish? Listen to this. [00:30:27] Speaker B: The audio is not clear. We can't understand what. [00:30:31] Speaker A: But. [00:30:31] Speaker B: Okay, I get your point. [00:30:33] Speaker A: What he said after the local government, he said that he would work for free for the PNM to ensure that the UNC and the NTA never get in government. He would work for Rowley for free. This was just after local government election. He is the Solomon grandit. He flip flops. He said that he hates the UNC. He hates Gary Griffith. He then comes after and says he's no supporting Kamala. He then comes after and gives Kamala an ultimatum. He then comes after and then says that he's still back in it. So what he's going to do today, just to give everyone the exciting news. I know everything that he does, he's going to turn up and storm the UNC meeting tonight and to show that, look, you see, I'm supporting UNC where it is that he's doing this out of trying to find an opportunity, whether it is he's been directed by the PNM or even internal elements within the NT and the UNC who don't want this, it doesn't matter. The one thing we must have is mutual respect. You can't expect to be part of an alliance saying, I'm part of an alliance, but I support this part of the alliance, but not that one. There's a senior coming, half pregnant. So I want all UNC people to understand that. And every time he speaks like that, for every one vote he may bring, if any, we are going to lose 500 because the country is wary strategy. The country doesn't want the same type of politics of attack. He's Keith Rowley reloaded. We don't want that. I don't have time to speak about Philip Alexander. I have time to speak about what we intend to do to fix the country. If he wants to spend all his time attacking, demonizing, bad talking other persons, well, then why bother to move Keith Rowley? That is the reason why the 250,000 UNC NTA previous cop supporters won the PNM out. They are fed up of the hatred, the bitterness, the division. That is why Patrick Manning and Basio Pandi, as much as they are the differences. The country was unified 20 years ago. Keith Rowley has tried to demonize anyone who is not a PNM. And you can't have somebody coming into an alliance and saying the nastiest things about other political leaders of other political parties who may be part of the same alliance because you want to feel that you are of more relevance. There's no room for that. [00:32:45] Speaker B: Let's see if you can squeeze in one or two quick calls, emphasis on quick. Hello. Good morning. [00:32:53] Speaker C: Mr. Gruffett. I hear you loud and clear this morning. But just a piece of advice to three of you all, Kamla, yourself and Mr. Alexander, you are liked person. You have been a good commissioner, your record as a minister. All right, but one of the best that we got. My advice to you is you all need to stop thinking about yourselves and move forward. Because it has shown that one party and one party alone, I don't care what anybody says or how they look at it, cannot be the PNM. And if you all don't come together collectively and put a good front and stop having the PNM go to the voting bank smiling, think about the country first, put your priorities in order and stop being greedy and selfish amongst yourselves. Thank you very much. [00:34:00] Speaker B: Thank you so much. [00:34:01] Speaker A: Okay, Saturday, just say quickly, I agree with him 100%. But again, look, Kamala Prasad v session has never openly attacked the NTA. The NTA have never openly attacked the UNC. But you can't be a new kid on the block after you attack us and said you will work for free to ensure the PNM gets in government. Your whole job in life is to ensure the UNC and the NTA never get in government. You turn up and the very next day you're attacking, people are going to see you as a Trojan horse. So the comments that the last caller made is certainly not the UNC and the NTA. We know what we have to do. We intend to do it. We have to be very cautious of Trojan horses coming in here just to cause the baconal, the instability. Because what that is going to do is it's going to cause many people to say, you see me, I don't want all this back and all, and all this thing. Every single day that man puts two or three releases attacking the NCND. That is madness. You can't be so obsessed. You're not seeing anything. Now let me say quickly, Keith Rowley has a track record of what he has done for the country. Kamala Passad recessor. Gary Griffith from National security Advisor, security minister, commissioner, police, 17 years in the military. Philip Alexander needs to start showing his track record and it can be just how many people you have bad talk and you try to undermine. Start showing your track record of being. So you want to be part of the alliance, start having a little bit of respect for the other political parties. [00:35:22] Speaker B: Would you be able to stay with us until about 815 this morning? [00:35:26] Speaker A: 815? Yeah, sure. [00:35:28] Speaker B: Okay, great. Because we're heading up to the news. And after the news, I'd like to keep you on because the callers really want to interact with you. And I think it's important that we hear what the people have to say in many instances because it will give you the gravity that some people are placing on this 2025 general election. So Mr. Graffitas agreed to stay with us until 815 this morning. Couple messages to take us up to the news, ladies and gentlemen, and we continue our conversation with NTA political leader after the 08:00 news. Stay with us. [00:35:59] Speaker A: This is the morning rumble with Satish Mahabir. [00:36:03] Speaker B: Welcome back, ladies and gentlemen. Three and a half minutes after eight. Let's get right back into it. We have with us for some time until about 815. Let's take some of your calls quickly. Hello. Good morning. [00:36:18] Speaker D: Satisfy my name, Mr. Griffith. Come on. Calling from Chaguada. I like to ask Mr. Griffith, I share your enthusiasm about getting into office. However, I want to ask if you will engage the UNC in one thing that I think that might solve a lot of the problems that we see today. That is constitutional reform on crime. I want to ask, do we need outside help? And I think we do. To engage the outside forces that have now set up in Trinidad in an information gathering exercise that is, maybe the FBI set up an office here or the CIA. I'll wait offline to hear your comments. [00:37:04] Speaker B: Thank you so much for your comments. [00:37:07] Speaker A: Yeah, sorry. I'll try and make the answers as short as possible so you'll get more callers to ask questions. That was already done so. And you're correct. Under the people's partnership, we communicated constantly with our international allies. With our Caricom partners, both government and opposition. The prime minister then didn't disrespect. They probably went on another platform. So what we did constantly. 1 minute. Yeah, sorry about that. We met constantly. Hear me? [00:37:43] Speaker B: Yes, we're hearing you loud and clear. [00:37:46] Speaker A: So we did it. The United States Embassy, there's presently the CIA and the FBI. So we met with them on a regular basis. Even when I was commissioner of police, I brought in the NYPD. We twinned with the Trinidad Police Service. They assisted me into finding systems that put an end to kidnapping, that put an end to home invasion, that found a way to put public confidence and trust that to move from 14% to 59%. When I left those same systems using our international allies, they removed it and it went back down to 8%. So yes, it is something that was already being done under the people's partnership and under my watch as commissioner of police. And we will continue to do so when we get back in government. [00:38:24] Speaker B: Let's take another call just before that. Information coming to hand of a quadruple murder in Mayaro early this morning. It suggests that four men were shot dead by suspects who were dressed in what appeared to be police operational outfits. Stormed a camp shouting police, police. The four men were made to lie face down and they were all shot dead. They've been identified as 37 year old Jeremiah George. Okay, just. No, wait. No, it's. Yeah, it's Jeremiah George. Marcus Buddy, Dion Mendoza and budy George, a contractor. They were all sleeping in a camp around half mile of Basil Trace in Bristol village, Mayaro when they were shot dead this morning. It took place just after twelve midnight. We'll get some more information on that as the day progresses. Hello. Good morning. [00:39:25] Speaker E: Good morning. Good morning. Mr. Gary Griffith. Commissioner. Sometimes we try to defend people, but we don't have to defend you because the public knows your performance when you were commissioner and we are satisfied with it. We know how you were allegedly wrongly removed and the country is now paying a serious price for that. I support you and I hope that things work out with the UNC and you all because we have to face the fact people don't vote because of performance in this country. Never vote on the vote on race, plain talk. And that is a nasty thing in this country. We ought to vote on performance. And yes, you are, in my view. I mean, I want to be fair with thanks. [00:40:16] Speaker B: You don't already seem to have a questions, but thank you for outlining the issues that you think need to be outlined. Hello. Good morning. [00:40:22] Speaker C: Morning. We have a police service. Look at the state of the country. What is really happening? Will you answer that question, please? [00:40:38] Speaker B: Get off an answer to the question of what's happening. [00:40:43] Speaker A: Well, again, it's a change in leadership. The police service was respected in thousand and ten to 2015 and it was the same police officers. When I was commissioner of police, as I said, public trust and confidence went to 59%. It was the highest in all arms of the public service, I think, at that time. And now it's in Lewis. So it's not the officers. It has to do with leadership and not just the commissioner of police, the minister of national security and the chairman of the National Security Council. So when we had that people's Partnership government, Kamala Prasad Vicessa may not have been qualified or experienced in national security, but she showed good leadership in that National Security Council meeting to allow me to be able to go and express myself to get things done. And this National Security Council, all that he spends his time doing is seem to be finding ways to target political opponents and forgetting about criminal elements. So it has to do with leadership. The police service can be the amount of best in the world, but you need the proper leaders to bring out the best in them. [00:41:40] Speaker B: Hello. Good morning. [00:41:41] Speaker F: Good morning. Once more satish. I'm very happy to hear what. And I want to commend you for bringing Mr. Griffith on the station this morning, because, you know, now is when there's a sort of a crossroads with regard to coalition, and we are close to the election. And Mr. Griffith did clear up a number of questions that a number of UNC people had in their minds. I hope he stands by it. But one thing I want to mention, and I hope he will comment on it, is that many of us respect not the NTA, but we respect the qualities of Gary Griffith. I think the acceptance of the NTA is because of Mr. Griffith himself, his experience, his expertise and the fact that the crime situation is where it is today. He is one who can make a difference. So, coalition or no coalition, whether the UNC goes on its own, I'm not quite sure if the NTA could win an election its own. I hope that Gary Griffith is on board with regard to fighting crime and so on, and I will wish to get a comment from him. [00:42:42] Speaker A: I thank you. Enjoy that one in a few seconds. The reason I got back into this was because I knew that the country was drowning in blood when I saw what this government was doing by deliberately trying to manipulate the law enforcement agencies, utilize law en these people listen to antimicro. Any other country in the world, a government gives a commissioner, police $40 million, says, I'm putting this into your account. You have to use these funds to investigate these three people in the possibility of having them arrested and make these same attorneys you're paying turn them into SRPs. That is dictatorship. Any other country in the world, you will call for a snap election. That is what. And I realize that. And then by the incompetence of the people who were put as minister of national security, commissioners of police put in es people. What is happening right now with the SSA? That director is going through the same thing I went through. They wanted the person in the hierarchy to do things that would have been unethical, if not illegal. The reason I'm returning is to make sure that I can fix Trinidad Tobago, not just in national security, but assist in ensuring good governance. So that is the reason I'm back. And whether it is your PNM, UNC, regardless of your color, your racial, your ethnic composition, whatever, you need to decide to yourself, am I going to vote for a political party because I blindly support them? Or should I vote for a party or individuals in a party that can make me safe or that can minimize the possibility of my wife being raped, my daughter being kidnapped, my son being killed? That is the question. And the floating voters will decide the right thing. [00:44:16] Speaker B: Take another call. [00:44:17] Speaker A: Hello. [00:44:17] Speaker B: Good morning. [00:44:19] Speaker A: Hi, Mr. Griffith, one question. If UNC NTA should win back the election, what is Mr. Griffith going to do about Aaron police officers? Well, exactly as I did when I was commissioner of police, it was the highest number of police officers that would have been fired, suspended and arrested. Remember the first kidnapping? We put an end to kidnapping. And the first one where we started arresting kidnappers whilst they were holding victims. There were two police officers there. One of the biggest problems we have in the judicial system were police officers not attending court. I went and I put a disciplinary action on any officer who would not attend court. And there was an 87% to 92% reduction in police absenteeism from court. That caused criminals to realize that when they were apprehended, there was going to be a repercussion. Carnival, for example. They're back to about 60 70% attendance under my watch. I said, anybody who's absent from carnival duties, you will see me personally. We had a 99.8% attendance. 130 were absent and I met all 130. That is how you deal with it. Polygraph testing. I did drug testing. Having forward operatives, informants to ascertain. Who are the police officers covering and protecting drug blocks. And that's why I told the government, put an end, this government put an end to giving criminal elements state contracts because the profits they were making was they were using it to buy off and pay rogue elements in the police service. That is how you clean up the police service. [00:45:49] Speaker B: Good morning. [00:45:51] Speaker D: Morning. I just want to ask, what systems can you put once you're in government to make sure that police officers don't go astray and they have some sort of line to go by? When they stray from that line, people in the hierarchy will pick them up and discipline them. Also political officers who do political bidding. What can be done about that? [00:46:26] Speaker A: Alesson yeah, well, again, quickly, that is why it is I gave the country this, my own personal number. I became the most accessible public servant probably in the history of Trinidad and Tobago to be crazy enough to give every single person my phone number and I'd be getting calls all hours in the night because I knew that sometimes there were people that they needed to give information quickly. When you make yourself accessible like that, I was able to be able to find out who the rogue elements, 40 corrupt ones for those who are involved in infiltrating into the underworld, who are assisting politicians to assist them in their decision and direction. So that is what I intend to, and we would do it again. So the police service is not a bad police service, but if you don't put systems to measure their performance and make them accountable, they will take advantage of that window of opportunity. I closed that window of opportunity and by doing that, stuck to what they had to do it never before did we have such relationship with the police service and the police complaint authority. Every single time they sent a report with a recommendation, virtually almost all the time. I will adhere to it. Now the police complaint authority is not even seeing the commissioner of police. I will be meeting with them almost on a weekly basis. That is how you clean up the police service and you get rid of the rogue elements, especially those who may seem to be politically influenced, because there would always be that. But unless you have that external unit, which is the PCA, giving them that degree of authority and respect, it will allow these rogue elements to prosper. [00:47:57] Speaker B: Yeah, I know we're almost out of time, and I know that I had you for much longer than you were supposed to be on, and I appreciate it. There's a lot that's riding on this election that's to come in 2025 or later this year or whenever the election is. And obviously, as commissioner of police, you were able to do something that no commissioner before you was able to do. And that is to change the public's opinion of the office of Commissioner of police from a high, lofty office that is sitting on its laurels, just looking down to an office that people thought that they could actually interact with. And actually they did, to the point where the talk on the ground was, if you see anything going wrong, call Gary Fair. And it worked because people actually did. You were able to change the public's perception of the police service as well. And those are things making it more accessible to not just the public, to the media and to everybody else into scrutiny. Those are things that was practically unheard of prior. Yeah, you would have a press conference here or there, but not that kind of exposure to the public. If I'm to say to you, tell my listeners one reason, give them one reason why they should support you, the NTA. And if you're in alliance with anybody else for the general election, what would that be? [00:49:21] Speaker A: Trust. That would trust. And sometimes trust sometimes is impractical, if not impossible. If there's not accessibility, I give the assurance to the public the same way. I was one of the most accessible ministers of national security. I learned that from that guy called Jack Warner. Well, 04:00 in the morning, he used to be in his office as minister of works and transport, making myself accessible, being prepared to confront the media, to confront persons who may criticize me. And I have to explain, I have to be transparent. I have to justify and making sure that I will never stay in my office in that 6th floor in air condition or the fourth floor as a minister. And I will ask all other ministers in this incoming government to just follow that same pattern. Lead by example, get on the ground, be there. Don't believe that. Just councilors must do that. So when I was commissioner of police, I will visit every single station, get on the ground, the media and you all didn't know probably 97% of what I actually did all hours. In the morning, I'll be out there with in operations, in patrols, in roadblocks, getting to see and understand what citizens go through so that I will know how to tell the police, how to interact with the citizens, the concerns of the police officers. That is what I want. So you're going to see, the reason why you should vote for this next government is that we are going to be transparent, we are going to be accessible, and you can trust us because I intend to lead by example. And I will ask all the other ministers in this incoming government, lead by example. Don't feel that when you get into government. The work is over. It has just begun. And you need to make sure and understand that each and every citizen in this country is your boss. You work for them, they don't work for you. And by you doing that and understanding that, you would succeed. [00:51:00] Speaker B: Yeah. I want to thank you for being with us here this morning and for sharing your insights into some of these questions. I'm positive that we will speak again moving forward because there's so much that is going to come up, so much that people will want answers on. Thank you once again for being with us here this morning. [00:51:13] Speaker A: Thank you. Bye bye. [00:51:14] Speaker B: That's how we drop our curtains on this interview with NTA political leader, this guy Griffith. [00:51:20] Speaker A: The best insight, instant feedback, accountability. The all new talk radio Freedom 106.5.